Politics of dynasty and controversies in Bangladesh

by Special Correspondent
February 27, 2010

http://www.weeklyblitz.net/552/politics-of-dynasty-and-controversies-in

Former Prime Minister and chairperson of Bangladesh Nationalist Party [BNP] did it first! She appointed her elder son Tareq Rahman as the senior vice chairman of the party, which is considered to be the second highest position in BNP. Tareq Rahman was given this position while he is in London for treating his broken backbone.

Military controlled interim government, under the directives of former General Moeen U Ahmed ruthlessly treated Tareq Rahman, when he was arrested in 2008 on various charges. It was whispered that Tareq Rahman was brutally tortured in custody while his interrogators used various tactics in permanently damaging his backbone.

Now, ruling Bangladesh Awami League has accorded 'primary membership' to Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's son Sajeeb Wajed Joy, who lives in United States along with his wife and children. The party kept the post of Joint General Secretary at the Central Committee, which many of its senior leaders believe to be given to Sajeeb Wajed Joy in next few weeks.

Political critics in Bangladesh are terming the appointment of Tareq Rahman and Sajeeb Wajed Joy as the continuation of 'politics of family dynasties' in Bangladesh.

Meanwhile, in Bangladesh, a blog maintained by Barrister MBI Munshi has circulated a 'document' consisting 15,400 words on February Massacre, which took place inside the headquarters of Bangladesh Riffles during February 25-26 last year.

The blog titled 'Deshcalling' has sought reader's discretion saying "DeshCalling is not responsible for its accuracy or veracity and was not involved in its compilation."

The article titled 'THE PEELKHANA MUTINY AND MASSACRE', which is published on February 26, 2010 is claimed to be written by a retired brigadier general of Bangladesh Army.

In this article, serious allegations are brought against many of the top level politicians in Bangladesh as well some of the army officers are the perpetrators of this crime. Commenting on the massacre, the writer said, "From the beginning, the government's handling of the mutiny looked strange. I do not know of any mutiny, military or paramilitary, any where in the world, which had been dealt with in the manner the Bangladesh government had dealt with the BDR mutiny. The government treated it, as if it was a kind of industrial dispute involving a discontent unarmed workforce with no one's life and limb on the harm's way. It was, to say the least, injudicious and inept. Although as a military man I had no doubt that the army, with a show of readiness by the air force to bomb if necessary, could have ended the mutiny within half an hour, I, like many at that point in time, thought this softness of the leaders of the government towards the mutineers was due mainly to their inexperience in handling such a matter as well as a well-meaning but misplaced eagerness to avoid bloodshed, borne out of their populist bend of mind. Furthermore, I thought the PM's insecure grip on power and her deep-seated distrust of the army may have also played a part in her velvety approach towards ending the mutiny. I could not be more wrong."

He further wrote, "The way the government proceeded with the inquiry with three parallel bodies and even before having their reports started talking loudly about de-linking the BDR from the army under a newly created officer crops recruited through the CSC and resetting it up under a new name and a new uniform started to give the sordid mutiny a new complexion. Moreover, the new DG BDR's promotion to the rank of Major General and his hasty journey to New Delhi for the expressed purpose of thanking the Indian BSF for their magnanimity in protecting our borders during the mutiny looked odd to me. Even if that was his purpose, instead of leaving his station where his constant presence was needed, he could have telephoned or sent a letter of thanks to his Indian counterpart. If on the other hand, our government wanted to thank the government of India, the DG BDR was, as per protocol, patently a wrong person. More importantly, the mysterious absence of Sohel Taj, the Deputy Home Minister, from the day of the mutiny onward and the subsequent mysterious dash of Jahangir Kabir Nanak, the Deputy LGRD Minister who had acted as the principal negotiator on behalf of the PM during the mutiny, out of the country immediately after the arrest of Torab Ali, the AL president of Ward 48 of Dhaka and a former BDR Havildar, by the RAB utterly perplexed me. My disquiet grew further when a young relative of mine brought to my attention an investigative report in a New York based electronic media. It set out a detailed accusation against Sajeeb Wajed Joy, the PM's son, of masterminding the mutiny together with a number of foreign intelligence agencies. It was difficult to think that Joy would seek to undermine the authority of his mother's government. But a few years back he was at the head of a failed move to replace her from the leadership of the AL. Besides; in Bangladesh politics there is hardly anything straightforward. After all, our political stratagems have always been modelled on the game of chess. I felt, I must find out the truth, however unpalatable, for the sake of my beloved country."

He wrote, "The campaign for the Peelkhana mutiny and massacre began in earnest in November 2008, nearly two months before the general election and Sheikh Hasina's rise to power. Surprisingly, it was done with her and her son Sajeeb Wajed Joy's consent and connivance."

Accusing the son of the Bangladeshi Prime Minister the 'retired brigadier general' wrote: "An article bearing the name of Sajeeb Wajed Joy and a certain Carl Siovacco, which was published in the USA in November 2008, signalled Joy and his mother's readiness to go ahead with the planned massacre. In that article Joy accused Bangladesh army and other military and paramilitary forces of recruiting thousands of Islamic fundamentalist terrorists."

He wrote, "In fact, Joy in his article maintained this very line and emphasised that the army and other paramilitary forces of Bangladesh needed to be cleaned up of the Islamic terrorists and reshaped, so that they could never obstruct the AL's efforts to rescue the nation from the anti-liberationists and turn it into a secular haven. With Moeen underwriting AL's victory at the general election, Sheikh Hasina and her son had no difficulty in signalling their willingness to go ahead with the mission of neutering the country's security forces."

Commenting on the massacre, the writer said, "The plan for the Peelkhana massacre was in two parts. Plan-A, an overt plan, was to create a hostage situation in the BDR Darbar Hall during the celebration of the BDR Week 2009. According to this plan, disaffected BDR soldiers would make all officers attending the annual darbar on the 25th February hostage and put forward their 22 demands concerning ration, pay, UN mission etc, including the withdrawal of army officers from commands. The PM would then send CAS Moeen, Home Minister Sahara Khatun and Deputy LGRD Minister Jahangir Kabir Nanak to negotiate with the mutiny leaders. The soldiers' demands would be met, making all their negotiators heroes."

He wrote, "The sitting DG BDR Major General Shakil knew part of this plan. He had no choice other than to accept the risk. Otherwise, he would have faced trial for his wife's failed attempt to leave the country with Tk 6 crore in the late 2008. Naznin Moeen, the wife of General Moeen, had rescued her and her husband's staff officer Major Mahbub. Mahbub was later allowed to resign his commission and leave the country. Moeen had an obvious share in that money and his wife's abuse of her husband's position and power in rescuing the culprit and covering up the crime had left him and his wife exposed to criminal charges as well. The tricky part of the plan, not known to the DG BDR, was that he and the DDG Brigadier General Bari could be shot in the legs, if the soldiers' demands were not met immediately."

Naming a number of army officers as abettors of this crime, this unknown writer said, "General Moeen, Major General Molla Fazle Akbar [DG DGFI], Major General Monir [DG NSI], Lieutenant General Sina Ibn Jamali [CGS], Lieutenant Colonels Quamruzzaman [communication-in-charge, BDR], Shams [CO 44 Rifles], Mukim and Salam [Paramilitary wing, DGFI] knew about the Plan-A. Most BDR soldiers stationed at Peelkhana also knew about this plan. They were ready to create a hostage situation and demand withdrawal of army officers and realisation of other 21 demands. Their grievances against army officers were framed on a piece of paper that was to be faxed on the 25th February to the CAS's secretariat, the offices of the DG DGFI and the PM and other important government establishments as well as the media by Lieutenant Colonel Mukim. But this plan was primarily a decoy."

The 34-page 'report' has alleged CIA, MOSSAD and RAW and the key conspirators behind the whole episode of February Massacre.

Interestingly, the same document was published on a site named Pakistan Defense in minutes after it was made online on DeshCalling blog. The Pakistan Defense site has also published a number of articles on February Massacre with pictures of the families of the martyred army officers.

Experts believe that by using the identity of 'a retired brigadier general' in fact Pakistani ISI might have prepared the entire 'document' and are now circulating it online. Various intelligence agencies are already looking for any clue about the author of this fishy 'document'.

Related Topics:  Bangladesh News receive the latest by email: subscribe to weekly blitz's free mailing list